August 2024
Refugee success in Canada’s labour market: Labour market information needs and gaps
Refugees encounter significant barriers to accessing labour market information. LMIC spoke to 25 Afghan refugees about their experiences and recommendations.
Illustration by Dorothy Leung for LMIC.
Listen to this report as an audio recording
Introduction
Access to labour market information (LMI) is instrumental in shaping individuals’ employment outcomes. It allows them to make informed decisions and take actions that can improve their educational and professional trajectories. However, it seems that accessing relevant LMI is a formidable challenge for refugees resettling in Canada.
Despite federal and provincial governments’ efforts to address these challenges, such as through various programs meant to facilitate economic integration, refugees continue to encounter significant barriers when seeking the LMI they need.
To gain insight into the LMI landscape for refugees entering Canada and shed light on the effectiveness of existing programs and initiatives in facilitating their integration into the Canadian labour market, we spoke to 25 people from Afghanistan who sought refuge in Canada as refugees in 2021. We asked for their firsthand accounts of encountering LMI through employment and settlement services, as well as the circumstances of their initial years in Canada. We used this information to put together a case study of refugees’ experiences with LMI, including the needs, gaps, barriers and opportunities they noted.
This report summarizes what we know about the labour market experiences of refugees in Canada and includes the case study.
Our case study resulted in several key findings:
Recommendations for improving LMI from Afghan refugees
During our qualitative interviews with Afghan refugees, several participants shared their recommendations to enhance LMI and labour market integration services. We have highlighted these recommendations throughout the report. They include the following:
Canada should provide tailored LMI sessions for newcomers on arrival to ensure the information they have access to is timely and relevant.
Settlement services should develop a formal, peer-to-peer program that connects newcomers with other newcomers to share information and experiences.
Canada should seek direct feedback from newcomers on the foreign credential recognition system.
There must be alternatives to Canada’s “one-size-fits-all” language training curriculum for newcomers.
Table of contents
PART 1: REFUGEES AND CANADA’S LABOUR MARKET
Refugees need to secure employment to support economic and social integration
The world is witnessing the highest levels of human displacement on record, with the global number of forcibly displaced people doubling in the last 10 years.
According to a 2022 report from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), one in every 95 people in the world has fled their home, seeking refuge across international borders to escape persecution, conflict, violence, human rights violations or environmental disasters. This global trend has reached an unprecedented scale, with the total number of transnational refugees and asylum seekers reaching 31.7 million by the end of 2021 (UNHCR, 2022).
Displaced persons have often endured extreme circumstances, such as civil wars, persecution (relating to religion, gender, and/or ethnicity) and environmental disasters. The growing frequency of these situations has forced increasing numbers of people to cross international borders (Bose, 2022).1
The Government of Canada recognizes these hardships and has positioned itself as a leader in refugee resettlement and integration, (Coleman, 2020). As such, Canada offers a range of pathways through which refugees can arrive.2
Since 1980, Canada has accepted more than a million refugees (UNHCR,2024). In 2018, more refugees per million residents resettled in Canada than in any other country (Radford & Connor, 2019). Between 2022 and 2023, Canada committed to resettling 10,000 refugees from Africa and 8,000 refugees from the Middle East (Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada [IRCC], 2024a). Moreover, In 2023, Canada announced plans to fulfill its promise to welcome and resettle more than 40,000 Afghan refugees by the end of 2024.
Although refugees arriving in Canada are not selected for economic reasons and are sometimes supported financially through the Resettlement Assistance Program (RAP) for up to a year, they typically need to secure employment as part of their economic and social integration.
The importance of meaningful employment as a vital component of the successful settlement of refugees has been highlighted by many researchers (Arthur et al., 2023; Hess et al., 2019; Fedrigo et al., 2023).
For refugees, much like everyone else, the significance of meaningful employment extends beyond mere job opportunities and encompasses the pursuit of fulfilling work that aligns with their skills and personal and professional aspirations.3
Scholars from diverse disciplines, along with advocates and other experts, argue that supporting refugees as they integrate into local labour markets holds significant importance for fostering social and economic participation (Zacher, 2019). This support serves not only to guide refugees toward economic self-sustainability, allowing for the maintenance of an adequate standard of living, but also to encourage the development of a sense of purpose, structure, identity and belonging (Fedrigo et al., 2023). Additionally, it contributes to better physical and mental health outcomes (Dowling et al., 2022).
Refugees experience a significant employment and wage gap compared to other migrant groups
Globally, refugees are among the most vulnerable immigrants, experiencing a multitude of barriers that impede their economic and civic integration in the countries where they resettle4 (Martén et al., 2019). This contributes to the so-called “refugee gap,” which is the employment and wage gap separating the earnings of refugees from those of other migrant groups (Connor, 2010).
According to Arthur et al. (2023), even where they have the unrestricted right to work, labour market outcomes for refugees lag those of other groups around the world because “many…remain stuck in entry-level, precarious, and lower-paid jobs at the bottom tier of the labour hierarchy.” These are “commonly known as survival jobs…[with] limited opportunity for advancement,…little time for training and advancement, and in jobs not commensurate to refugee workers’ skills and experience” (Arthur et al., 2023).
A growing body of empirical evidence illustrates that, globally, refugees take significantly longer to enter their first employment spell than members of other migrant groups. There is also a significantly greater risk that refugees will exit their first employment spell, potentially leading to unemployment or reliance on social assistance programs (Arendt, 2022).
For example, Dumont et al. led a 2016 evaluation of refugees in the labour market across European Union member states (a project supported by both the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and the European Commission). The report cites extensive evidence that confirms refugees are among the most vulnerable populations when it comes to integrating into the labour market.
According to Dumont et al. (2016) it typically, it takes between 15 and 19 years in the host country for refugees to reach employment rates comparable to those of native-born individuals. The authors consider several factors that contribute to this situation, including potential shortages in specific human capital requirements, such as language proficiency, recognized skills and diplomas. Additionally, factors like skills mismatch and discrimination further hinder the realization of the full potential of particular migrant groups, including refugees, within the labour market.
Why is there a “refugee gap” in the labour market?
Refugees face enormous obstacles along their pathways to settlement, with integration into the labour market being one of their most pressing concerns. This difficulty accessing the labour market is referred to as a “refugee gap” and has been attributed to several factors (discussed below).
Safety, security and protection are often more important than economic opportunities to refugees
Self-selection plays a crucial role in explaining the disparate labour market outcomes of refugees (in comparison to the outcomes of other migrant groups). This refers to the idea that individuals make choices based on their characteristics, preferences and circumstances. In the context of refugees and other migrants, this means the decision to migrate, the choice of destination, and the timing of the migration are influenced by a variety of factors related to the individual and their situation, such as education, skills, language proficiency and personal resources.
Economic migrants (those migrating primarily for economic opportunities) are likely to choose a destination based on the potential economic benefits, such as higher or more transferable human capital, employment opportunities, and wages and benefits. This approach to destination selection is less relevant for refugees, for whom safety, security and protection are more important considerations in the migration decision (Lens et al., 2019).
High rates of trauma exposure affect labour market outcomes
A significant number of refugees have experienced violent conflict, torture and other traumatic events.
Research suggests that the prevalence of trauma exposure among refugee populations varies significantly, ranging from 5% to 67%, depending on the specific origin of the refugee group (Ellis et al., 2019). For those affected, multiple studies highlight the profound impact of trauma (See Mauritz, et al. 2013; Knipscheer, et al 2015).
Ellis et al. (2019) conducted a study at a Dutch refugee clinic involving 353 refugees from various ethnic backgrounds. Among the participants, 37% reported experiencing incidents of torture, 37% reported living through a near-death experience, and 35% stated that a friend or family member had been killed. Similarly, as detailed by (Ellis et al., 2019) in a study focused on Kosovar Albanian refugees, approximately 67% reported being deprived of water and food, 67% had experienced combat situations, and 62% reported surviving a situation in which they had been on the brink of death.
These findings underscore the extensive trauma exposure and devastating experiences endured by many refugees (Ellis et al., 2019). The high rates of trauma exposure and associated psychological distress and poor health outcomes, in addition to the significant stressors of resettlement, have been found to be associated with refugees’ labour market outcomes.
We don’t know if we’re leveraging the skills and education of refugees
Canada’s labour market is undergoing significant shifts. It is under pressure from the scarcity of jobs in select occupations, job vacancies in other industries, high inflation rates, and the ongoing economic recovery after COVID-19.
The extent to which the Government of Canada is leveraging refugees’ skills and education (obtained through foreign training) to facilitate their entry and integration into the labour market remains unclear. This issue has captured the attention of researchers and policy analysts.
We don’t have enough information about how refugees use LMI
Limited information exists about how refugees access crucial LMI to guide their preliminary navigation of Canada’s employment arena.
There is ample research on refugee labour market integration—but it is general in nature. Most scholars agree that further investigation is necessary to clarify and add nuance to the intersectional and varied dynamics of refugee access to the Canadian economy.
The type of program through which a refugee enters Canada can impact labour market outcomes
A documented relationship exists between the refugee program through which an individual arrives and their labour market trajectory in Canada (Kaida et al., 2020; Ellis & Triandafyllidou, 2023).
The Canadian government has established three sponsorship programs through which refugees can seek protection in Canada:
- the Government-Assisted Refugees (GAR) program
- the Private Sponsorship of Refugees (PSR) program
- the Blended Visa Office-Referred (BVOR) program
Upon arrival or later (but while in Canada), refugee claimants and asylum seekers may also use the In-Canada Asylum Program (Ellis & Triandafyllidou, 2023; IRCC, 2024b).
Access to LMI varies considerably based on the program through which a refugee arrives in Canada
Research shows that “in the first year of arrival, asylum seekers who had made claims for protection in Canada through the In-Canada Asylum Programme had the highest earnings compared to government- and privately sponsored refugees. However, after 10 years, privately sponsored refugees showed the highest earnings compared to the other two groups” (Ellis & Triandafyllidou, 2023, p. 104).
GARs experience greater barriers to labour market integration than do privately sponsored refugees. They tend to have lower levels of formal education due to displacement and time spent in refugee camps. They are also less likely to be fluent in either English or French (Picot et al., 2019).
Refugees arriving through the GAR and PSR programs receive support from the federal government’s Resettlement Assistance Program. However, In-Canada Asylum Program claimants are excluded from most federally funded programs, such as language instruction.
Refugees rely on informal networks to fill LMI gaps
As a result of this inconsistent access to support, In-Canada refugees and asylum seekers rely on contacts in their informal networks, such as friends and family, for information about employment opportunities.
Senthanar et al. (2021) examined the employment integration experiences of Syrian refugee women in Canada through four common refugee streams (i.e., GAR, PSR, BVOR and In Canada-refugee claimants) and found that differences between the streams related to eligibility for and access to various supports can facilitate or hinder exposure to LMI and entry into the workforce.
One key finding was that women arriving through the PSR and BVOR programs have stronger language skills, higher education levels, and more work experience than GAR women, which aids them in leveraging knowledge and social networks to access employment (Senthanar et al., 2021, p. 585).
Prior experience finding employment is a skill some refugees rely on to seek job opportunities
Private sponsors in Canada typically lend support by assuming full or partial financial responsibility for sponsored refugees. They may also help them to find work (although this work is often low-skilled, low-waged or precarious in nature). In contrast, GAR women typically navigate the employment system by themselves, making use of personal contacts or settlement services (Neupane, 2012).
While Canadian studies have examined this aspect of the refugee experience, significant opportunities remain to increase our understanding of the relationship between refugee streams and differential access to LMI. Furthermore, the overlapping effects of gender, race and class could offer important insights into the intersectional dynamics of refugees’ access to LMI in various programs.
Canada is committed to employment pathways for skilled refugees
Canada relies on newcomers to drive the country’s population and economic growth (Ellis & Triandafyllidou, 2023). However, Canada’s refugee programs reflect a commitment to providing a safe haven for those fleeing violent conflict.
While not at odds, these two objectives have been increasingly—and problematically— conflated as refugee programs become increasingly associated with the government’s responsibility to address labour shortages (IRCC, 2024a).
Canada’s resettlement program forms part of the country’s plan for immigration, as conveyed in the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. The act includes a goal to “promote the successful integration of permanent residents into Canada while recognizing that integration involves mutual obligations for newcomers and Canadian society” (IRCC, 2024c).
The resettlement program is a collaborative project. Contributing partners include IRCC, other federal departments (such as Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC)), the provinces and territories, various municipalities, and other organizations across the country.
IRCC’s primary role is to facilitate the application and approval process for refugees and provide financial support to shareholders, such as settlement agencies. These agencies offer a range of support to refugees, asylum seekers and new immigrants to Canada, including housing, financial, employment, language and social services.
The Canadian federal government has prioritized refugee economic independence and integration through several initiatives (Ellis & Triandafyllidou, 2023):
- From 2019 to 2020, IRCC committed to exploring productive ways to attract and retain talent from around the globe to meet labour market needs. In particular, the aim is to create new pathways for skilled refugees to obtain permanent residence (IRCC, 2023a).
- To support Canadian labour market demands, the federal government has adopted policies to leverage the skills and educational achievements that refugees gained before settling in Canada.
Yet it’s unclear how strong the alignment is between the government’s stated goals and the ability of refugees to access LMI that could help them to convert their prior education and work experience into employment opportunities in Canada.
Below, we outline three government programs aimed at strengthening this alignment and provide information on refugees’ access to and experiences with these programs.
Three federal programs aim to align refugees’ skills with labour market needs in Canada
The federal government has introduced several programs to improve the relationship between supply and demand (in certain sectors of the economy) with newcomers’ qualifications.
Targeted Employment Strategy for Newcomers
In 2017, the Targeted Employment Strategy for Newcomers was launched. It includes pre-arrival support, loans for foreign credential recognition processes, and assistance with acquiring Canadian work experience in a field related to a newcomer’s profession (Brosseau, 2020).
Pre-arrival settlement services
Pre-arrival settlement services are geared toward helping applicants from outside Canada begin the credential recognition process. While the literature on its outcomes is limited, the available research suggests that many prospective immigrants are unaware that the program exists (IRCC, 2018).
Yet the program has operated since 1998. It attempts to align refugees’ skills with labour market integration processes and includes free, in-person and/or online assistance for individuals outside of Canada who are preparing to move to Canada (IRCC, 2018).
According to IRCC (2018), program users can access assistance with obtaining education credential evaluations, connecting with employers, and locating information about settlement service agencies.
Specifically, “pre-arrival services for refugees are provided via the Canadian Orientation Abroad (COA) Program, which is delivered by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and includes a 3 or 5 day in-person orientation session” (IRCC, 2018).
There is limited scholarship on how effectively pre-arrival services assist refugees in their labour market integration process. However, one study found that newcomers who used pre-arrival services to find work but also had difficulties navigating employment websites experienced poorer post-arrival labour market outcomes than individuals who used only settlement services to find employment (Monteiro, 2022). This suggest that pre-arrival services may work best for those who have the technological skills to navigate digital media.
The same study noted that, while users of IRCC’s pre-arrival services indicated that the information provided was useful to their labour market transitions, very limited empirical data demonstrate its impact on labour market outcomes (Monteiro, 2022).
Studies also suggest that newcomers want greater access to pre-arrival information (Kaushik & Drolet, 2018; Monteiro, 2022).
Although refugees outside Canada are informed of the COA program during their booking process, refugee survey respondents and refugee focus groups in a 2018 IRCC study indicated they were unaware that any other pre-arrival services existed for refugees (IRCC, 2018). Importantly, in an evaluation of pre-arrival settlement services, IRCC notes that, for refugees, “employment is not a major focus of COA” (IRCC, 2018).
Pre-arrival services are offered to newcomers to ease their integration into Canada, but they also represent an opportunity for the Government of Canada to align the skills and occupational experiences of refugees with the current labour market. The fact that pre-arrival services coordinated through the COA program fail to address employment opportunities for refugees suggests the Government of Canada needs to improve this initiative if it aims to prioritize the integration of refugees into the labour market.
Further inquiry is essential to understand how refugees currently obtain information about pre-arrival services and interact with the available online tools, as well as to identify the associated economic outcomes.
Economic Mobility Pathways Pilot
The Economic Mobility Pathways Pilot (EMPP) offers a path toward permanent residence for qualified refugees who fill labour market gaps.
Under the EMPP, applicants who qualify for economic programs, such as the Provincial Nominee Program (PNP), the Atlantic Immigration Program (AINP), or the Rural and Northern Immigration Pilot (RNIP), can apply for permanent residence in Canada.
According to IRCC (2022b), “[t]hrough the EMPP, partner organizations help skilled refugees overseas connect with employers who need to fill critical labour shortages in occupations like nurse aides and personal support workers, chefs and cooks, and skilled tradespeople. Once candidates receive a job offer, they can apply to immigrate to Canada through existing economic programs, using EMPP measures that remove barriers refugees may experience due to their displacement.” This ensures that approved candidates can fill specific, regional labour market needs. The program leverages applicants’ skills and abilities to facilitate an easier economic integration into Canadian society.
The recent (2023) launch of EMPP means limited empirical data currently exist about its strengths and weaknesses. IRCC has already found that fewer women than men access the EMPP as primary applicants (IRCC, 2024a), but little is known at this time about the causes of the gender disparity. However, IRCC has indicated its plans to continue monitoring these trends.
IRCC’s role in the EMPP is to establish policies and procedures and to liaise with partner organizations. Participating organizations, branches and agencies include Canadian provincial governments, the United Nations Refugee Agency, RefugePoint (a resettlement referral organization), and Talent Beyond Boundaries (TBB, a recruitment and referral agency) (IRCC, 2021a; UNHCR, 2024).
TBB is a non-profit organization that helps displaced people access labour mobility in their country of resettlement. The organization engages with various systems and use online tools to match refugee candidates’ skills, experience and goals with labour market mobility opportunities (TBB, n.d.).
According to the IOM, as of November 2022, more than 50,000 displaced people had registered with TBB to apply their existing talents in refugee-receiving countries (IOM, 2022). However, to date, there is limited scholarly information about TBB’s processes and procedures.
The EMPP is in its infancy. As such, additional research is needed to assess the program’s accessibility, how refugees become aware of it, and its outcomes for economic integration over time.
Overall, there is a dearth of knowledge about how refugees access settlement programs, such as the EMPP, as a form of LMI. Further studies are crucial to gaining insight into refugees’ interactions and experiences with the EMPP and IRCC’s organizational partners.
Refugees encounter significant barriers when trying to access LMI
Access to LMI plays a pivotal role in shaping labour market outcomes. Various definitions of “information literacy” exist, but—fundamentally, and in the context of the labour market—it is the ability to acquire, comprehend, evaluate and apply LMI to make informed decisions and take actions that will influence one’s labour market outcomes. Clearly, that initial piece—the ability to access LMI—plays a pivotal role in shaping labour market outcomes.
In the context of refugee resettlement in Canada, it is imperative to acknowledge the significant barriers that refugees face when seeking both LMI and employment opportunities.
Federal departments, such as Employment and Social Development Canada, and provincial and territorial governments facilitate economic integration for refugees and other newcomers by funding short- and long-term services, such as work placements, mentorships, licensing and certification preparation, networking events, job search and matching services, and employment counselling.
Access to language learning information and appropriate employment information (as well as information related to housing, health, social networking and cultural information) is a top need for newcomers to Canada (Kaida, 2013; Ellis & Triandafyllidou, 2023).
In a 2021 report, IRCC acknowledged that several studies indicate that many newcomers are simply unaware of available services (IRCC, 2021b). One study about service providers found that the lack of access to relevant settlement information was one of the greatest barriers facing refugees. Participants from the study noted that newcomers find it difficult to learn “where to go for what” and that they encounter “a confusing, fragmented health and social service sector” (Simich et al., 2005, p. 262).
Okoye’s (2020) examination of academic and grey literature, reports, organizational documents, and websites supports the notion access to of literature on settlement, employment information, knowledge about accessing and retaining employment, and other LMI remains a significant challenge for Refugees in Canada.
PART 2: CASE STUDY: AFGHAN REFUGEES ON THEIR EXPERIENCES WITH CANADIAN LMI
We know that refugees encounter significant barriers to accessing LMI and that this access varies considerably based on the program through which a refugee arrives in Canada.
As a result, refugees frequently rely on informal networks to fill information gaps and on past experiences to find employment.
We also know that, in Canada, we do not have enough information about how refugees use LMI.
To help fill this gap, we spoke to 25 refugees from Afghanistan who sought refuge in Canada following the Taliban's takeover in 2021.
We focused on their firsthand accounts of encountering LMI and employment policies and of managing settlement dynamics and personal circumstances during their initial years in Canada.
We selected this population for the case study because of their shared experience of being admitted from the same country and in a similar time frame. Despite the diversity in the group with respect to age, gender and other demographic characteristics, they shared at least one key experience: they all arrived in Canada around the same time and through identical programs. As a result, this cohort presented a unique opportunity for a case study because it allowed for a focused exploration of settlement trajectories and experiences.
All participants were supported by the Special Immigration Measures Program, which was designed for Afghan nationals (and their families) who had assisted the Government of Canada. In addition, participants had access to a special humanitarian program aimed at resettling vulnerable Afghans.
The shared context of their arrival and the use of the same programs and resources, particularly in the realm of LMI, provided a lens through which to assess the effectiveness of those initiatives.
By examining the nuances of their collective journey, this case study aims to uncover insights into how standardized Canadian programs influenced participants’ integration into the labour market. The data collected highlight the challenges and opportunities faced by this specific group of refugees.
Methodology
This study’s research objectives were to gather refugees’ perceptions of the effectiveness of LMI in Canada and to identify any information gaps their experiences might reveal.
To accomplish this, we employed a case study research methodology. Qualitative case study methodology, one of the first types of research to be used in qualitative methodology, provides tools for researchers to study complex phenomena within their contexts. When applied correctly, it becomes a valuable method for evaluating programs (Baxter & Jack, 2008).
According to Baskarada (2014), case study research entails a thorough examination of a singular unit, such as an individual, community or organization. Accordingly, case studies allow the researcher to gain a deep holistic view of the research problem. Depending on the context, this research approach may facilitate describing, understanding and/or explaining a research problem or situation.
Case study research involves an investigation and analysis of a single or collective case intended to capture the complexity of the object of study (Stake, 1995). As described by Stake (1995), qualitative case study research draws together ‘‘naturalistic, holistic, ethnographic, phenomenological, and biographic research methods’’ in ‘‘a palette of methods’’ (p. xixii). In other words, qualitative case study methodology enables the investigation of a phenomenon in its contextual setting, employing diverse data sources. This approach ensures comprehensive exploration, avoiding a narrow perspective and instead embracing various lenses. In doing so, multiple facets of the phenomenon can be uncovered and understood (Baxter & Jack, 2008).
Community engagement was critical to the study’s design and data collection process. An active member of Canada’s Afghan community played a vital role as a “cultural insider” who facilitated community engagement by participating in community- and organization-based gatherings and events in order to foster connections. This person played a pivotal role in every phase of the study, including the development of the semi-structured interview guide, which was one of the primary tools used to collect data.
Through this collaborative approach, researchers and participants established a strong rapport. This ensured the study was culturally sensitive, which served to enrich its overall understanding and representation of the Afghan refugee community in Canada.
The study participants were aged 25 to 55 years, a range that allowed for a nuanced examination of how individuals at different life stages navigated the complexities of LMI and settlement dynamics. Participants in this study were dispersed across Canada, but predominantly concentrated in Alberta, Ontario, British Columbia and Manitoba. This geographic distribution offered the potential for a detailed exploration of regional distinctions in the experiences of refugees, specifically regarding labour market policies and settlement dynamics.
A note on using Critical Social Theory to understand individual challenges through a systems lens
While the participants’ voices should rightfully take centre stage, it’s important to acknowledge the researchers’ perspectives in this study. As sociologists, we interpreted the participants’ experiences. We recognize that the challenges faced by these racialized individuals are intricately tied to their social contexts. We argue that these inequalities go beyond individuals’ interactions and point to systemic issues shaped by policies in the broader socio-political landscape. We also believe that adopting a critical social theory (CST) perspective becomes crucial in the realm of forced migration. This approach sheds light on the complex marginalization experienced by displaced individuals, both in their countries of origin and in their new communities. CST doesn’t isolate the human experience, but instead widens the scope to scrutinize the policies and practices that influence and perpetuate varied experiences (Freeman & Vasconcelos 2010).
Pre-arrival: Refugees don’t receive any LMI before arriving in Canada
Every refugee we spoke with said that they had not received any official LMI before arriving in Canada, even though it was one of their primary informational needs.
A recurring theme emerged among study participants’ accounts of the LMI that was made available to them prior to their arrival in Canada.
Unfortunately, what they reported was a complete absence of LMI, including fundamental details about Canada’s labour markets. Considering the emergency circumstances that compel refugees to unexpectedly leave their home countries, it is important to note that the scarcity of such information might be anticipated. Nonetheless, it remains a significant challenge in refugees’ pursuits of meaningful integration.
In this case study, participants reported that their sole source of pre-arrival information was friends or family members who had immigrated to Canada. Participants highlighted the scarcity of even this informal data, further underscoring the limited nature of the pre-arrival guidance they received about the Canadian immigration landscape.
Yet, all participants in this study said that LMI stood out as one of their primary informational needs upon their arrival in Canada, which is consistent with the existing literature on this topic. Their collective perspective sheds light on the crucial role this information plays in the initial stages of settling in a new country and navigating its labour market.
Amina, a 27-year-old woman and mother of two who previously worked as a teacher in Afghanistan, emphasized that LMI is a primary informational need:
While participants’ LMI needs varied based on their situations and goals, common themes emerged. Participants overall sought information regarding:
Additionally, participants expressed a keen interest in information about government assistance programs, subsidies and initiatives designed to support newcomers in their employment endeavours.
On arrival: Refugees receive helpful information about settlement and integration, but no LMI
Upon arriving in Canada Afghan Government Assisted Refugees (GARs) were housed in temporary accommodations, including Resettlement Assistance Program reception houses, apartments, and motel and hotel rooms.
The individuals who participated in this study were initially accommodated in “bridging hotels,” which are accommodations overseen by local settlement agencies. Their stays lasted anywhere from seven weeks to several months.
These bridging hotels received support from various organizations, including friendship circles and community groups, to provide assistance and resources during the participants’ stays.
Afghan refugees received helpful informational sessions that introduced them to Canadian culture and systems
Throughout their stays in the bridging hotels, whether through friendship circles, community groups, or the hosting settlement service, participants in this study received substantial support and information. This assistance was delivered through a variety of avenues, including virtual and in-person workshops, classes and personalized one-on-one sessions.
These resources covered topics such as:
Haadee, a 30-year-old woman formerly employed as an administrative worker for the Afghan Government, sought refuge in Canada after the Taliban threatened the life of her husband, a reporter. Haadee spoke positively about the assistance and information she and her family received at the hotel where they stayed for the first eight weeks after their arrival in Canada:
Ashwa, a woman in her early thirties who worked as a women’s rights activist in Afghanistan, arrived in Canada six months pregnant, accompanied by her husband and young son. She spoke of the help she and her family received during their three-month stay at a Toronto-area hotel:
On arrival, no or limited LMI was provided to Afghan refugees
Although all participants generally spoke highly of the assistance and general information received during their hotel stays, there was unanimous agreement that the LMI they obtained was either entirely absent or far too limited.
The information was predominantly shared through websites and training workshops, covering basic details that did not effectively address the specific needs of this group.
For example, Ahmed, a 51-year-old civil engineering professor who spent almost seven months in temporary hotel accommodations in Manitoba, said:
Ellias is a 47-year-old man who came to Canada with his wife, a women’s rights activist whom the Taliban targeted, and he said:
Imama, a 26-year-old journalist, spoke similarly of the LMI she received from a settlement service that assisted her during her three-month stay in a Toronto-area bridging hotel:
Ashwa recommends personalized LMI sessions for newcomers.
“It would be a huge investment and a huge effort, but collaboration with local settlement agencies, community groups and volunteer organizations could be strengthened to provide personalized LMI sessions during the initial settlement period. These sessions should not only cover basic information but also focus on practical aspects, looking at each individual’s education, skills, needs and goals and providing some targeted help with navigating the accreditation process for foreign credentials.”
Settlement: Refugees receive LMI that is too basic to be of use as they navigate Canada’s labour market
As in the case of this cohort of Afghan refugees to Canada, the trajectory of a refugee often means relocating in uncertain and abrupt circumstances, which can involve interrupted careers, educations and networks, resulting in greater challenges integrating into a new economy.
Refugees often rely on settlement service agencies to assist in their efforts to find work (Auer, 2018; Ellis & Triandafyllidou, 2023; Ortlieb & Knappert, 2023).
The Government of Canada addresses the settlement and integration needs of refugees by financing, authorizing and contracting out the delivery of settlement programs to non-profit immigrant settlement agencies (ISAs) across the country (Mukhtar et al., 2016).
Settlement services are meant to support labour market integration, but fall short
Settlement services, including ISAs are meant to help refugees integrate into the labour market by offering language training, job search assistance and information about the recognition of foreign credentials. The services also provide cultural sensitivity training to employers, which can help refugees overcome challenges and find meaningful employment. However, the arrangements between the government and ISAs have been criticized for restricting the levels of autonomy from the state that ISAs are able to maintain, and for limiting ISAs’ capacity to shape and oversee their own public services (Richmond & Shields, 2005; Mukhtar et al., 2016).
The literature identifies problems related to a “lack of integration, consistency, and coordination among the various players in the settlement sector; for example, among and between various levels of government, mainstream or generic service institutions, and community-based immigrant settlement agencies…,” which ultimately impacts the variety and types of services they offer refugees (Okoye, 2020, p. 28).
ISAS are expected to adapt to their services to the needs of the newcomers in their communities. Yet they must also adjust their offerings based on shifts in immigration policy (IRCC, 2021b). Given the increases in both the number of refugees and the complexity of newcomers’ needs, ISAs have become increasingly focused on the performance, outcomes, and “value for money” of settlement programming (IRCC, 2021b). In a study examining ISAs and the challenges they face in planning and delivering services, researchers found that the influence of funders outweighed the needs of service users (Mukhtar et al., 2016, p. 23).
For instance, ISA executives noted that generic employment-based programs, such as learning to draft a resumé, were prioritized over “targeted employment programs that would better meet the diverse needs of newcomers seeking entry into the Canadian labour market” (Mukhtar et al., 2016, p. 25).
The study further found that agencies compete with one another instead of cooperating to meet mandatory service quotas. Rather than collaborating, ISAs operate independently, leading to service duplication within certain regional boundaries. This duplication means that resources are allocated to repeating similar services rather than creating tailored programs that address the unique needs and qualifications of newcomers. Consequently, newcomers often receive generic support that fails to meet their specific circumstances and requirements (Duvieusart-Déry, 2013; Mukhtar et al., 2016).
Providing further evidence of challenges that refugees face in the labour market, Monteiro’s recent (2022) research found that settlement services encourage participants to accept unpaid or low-pay, precarious work. Sadly, this finding corroborates much of the existing literature on settlement services.
Refugees who access these services may experience financial pressure to support family members and, therefore, accept any job opportunity.
Interviews with counsellors at ISAs indicated that, due to heavy workloads, counsellors tended to refer women to low-skilled and low-pay work with companies with whom they had pre-existing ties (Senthanar et al., 2020). In the same study, which examines refugee women’s experience with settlement agencies and their employment outcomes in Canada, an interview with a refugee detailed how “the [settlement agency] just focused on like, finish all your things that you need, you know, like the ones the government need from you, all the about the health care and stuff like that… They told us a lot about this kind of stuff…[like] how to rent a house. But about job, you know, no. They didn’t talk about [employment]…” (Senthanar et al., 2020, p. 55). Another interviewee said, “I made a request [with] the caseworker—can you help me with this [finding a job]? She would say this is not part of my job description” (Senthanar et al., 2020, p. 55).
In another study of refugees, one participant explained their experience of looking for employment information at a government income support office. The participant said, “sometimes information available at [government social assistance services] is for basic jobs, and not for professionals needing education support. The people at the government, they don’t give that much information at all. The only thing they say is, “We can help you if you are unemployed, we can get you a course for one year, and you can do hair dressing or something like that.” It’s a survival job. But there is not any centre like that “OK, you people who come with this degree,” they check the degree, and then say, “OK, this is the field, these are the ways, the options. Which one do you want to do?” (Bajwa et al., 2017, p. 59).
In these instances, refugees found it challenging to access information about the labour market from settlement and institutional providers.
Consistent with this body of literature, almost all the participants in our study sought the assistance of settlement services for a variety of services, including LMI and employment support.
Employment supports offered at the settlement stage were perceived as too basic, and refugees were guided into work that was not aligned with their professional experience
Echoing the sentiments expressed about the limited LMI received during their stays at bridging hotels, participants conveyed a similar perspective regarding the assistance provided by settlement services.
The Afghan refugees we spoke to perceive the support they received as overly basic. They consistently expressed a sense of being guided toward jobs whose requirements fell significantly below their qualifications.
Importantly, participants noted a lack of effort to align their education and experience with available job opportunities, underscoring a perceived gap in the assistance provided by settlement services in optimizing their employment and labour market outcomes.
Morsal, a 46-year-old advocate for the rights of women and girls who boasts a distinguished career spanning two decades as one of Afghanistan’s most prominent female lawyers, explained her experience:
Shehzad, a 50-year-old schoolteacher, shared:
Kashm, a woman in her thirties who worked as a journalist in Afghanistan, Türkiye and France said:
Isaad, a 37-year-old man with a degree in English who, prior to fleeing Afghanistan, worked with a Catholic relief organization, said:
Similarly, Samira, a woman in her twenties who worked as nurse in Afghanistan, noted:
When asked about their knowledge of any programs or initiatives designed to align refugees’ skills and education with the Canadian labour market, all participants expressed complete unawareness of any such existing programs.
This lack of knowledge about initiatives aiming to address the skills/education-labour market misalignment highlighted a significant information gap in the participants’ experiences. All participants indicated they did not and have not received any support with aligning their skills, education or experiences with opportunities in Canada.
Refugees are frequently pushed into “survival jobs” by settlement agencies
Consistent with the existing research, participants in this study expressed a shared sentiment that insufficient efforts were made to match their skills and knowledge to available jobs in Canada. Instead, they felt pushed into “survival jobs” (Arthur et al., 2023), a situation they perceived as a waste of their potential—both for themselves and Canada.
Furthermore, participants criticized the LMI provided by settlement agencies for its generality and broadness. For most members of this relatively well-educated cohort, the offered LMI failed to address their specific circumstances and negatively affected their integration into the labour market. The disconnect between available LMI and the unique skills of these individuals underscores a significant systemic issue in the integration process.
Most refugees are forced to rely on informal knowledge and networks to find employment that makes use of their skills and education
Oduntan and Ruthven (2021) offer a useful analysis of how refugees and asylum seekers address their information needs. Although their study was conducted outside of Canada, it describes the multiple sources of information and “information grounds” (defined as environments where people converge and spontaneously share information) that refugees use to navigate integration systems and processes (Oduntan & Ruthven, 2021). Information grounds may include informal spaces, such as shops, hair salons, places of worship, libraries, English as a Second Language classes, libraries and daycare centres.
The literature agrees that common, informal sources of support and information for newcomers typically include friends, relatives and neighbours from the same ethnic groups. Other informal sources of information include independent sponsors, religious organizations and ethno-cultural associations (Simich et al., 2005).
Formal sources of information may include caseworkers, lawyers, teachers and settlement staff working with agencies, governmental institutions, and community and cultural centres (Oduntan & Ruthven, 2021).
For example, one refugee respondent in Oduntan and Ruthven’s 2021 research noted that it was their teacher who suggested looking for a job at a department store. Another respondent explained that they found out about a job from a family member who saw a job advertisement.
Research reveals that the information sources used by refugees vary according to their personal backgrounds and journeys. Refugees seek information from people they encounter organically in their unique refugee experiences, both in places designated as sources by host societies and in informal spaces (Oduntan & Ruthven, 2021).
Similar research exploring refugee access to employment or LMI in Canada is limited. Yet, while it was outside the scope of this current research, our study participants also indicated that they primarily satisfy their LMI and many other informational needs through direct personal interactions and indirect social engagements in various settings. They reported receiving most information from friends, family members and other Afghans whom they met in Canada.
For example, Sameer, a 25-year-old man who worked as a hydro engineer in Afghanistan, recalled:
Amina, the 27-year-old mother of two and former teacher, also noted:
Morsal, the 46-year-old lawyer, leveraged her outspoken nature and organizational skills to create a WhatsApp group chat with 20 women, all of whom she met as they fled Afghanistan together:
Rabia recommends that settlement
services connect newcomers with other newcomers.
“I think settlement services could try to incorporate a mentorship or buddy system where newcomers are paired with individuals who have successfully integrated into the Canadian workforce and labour market…. We already rely on volunteers so much, and even on people from back home. This would provide a valuable opportunity for refugees to receive guidance from others with similar experiences who better understand.”
Foreign credential recognition: Refugees’ efforts are blocked by a lack of information and an overly complex system
The process for obtaining formal documentation that recognizes newcomers’ educational achievements and provides institutional acceptance of foreign work experience contains significant hurdles. Refugees must navigate these when attempting to enter the labour market.
Refugees and asylum seekers, and people displaced by natural disasters are likely to encounter difficulties meeting the requirements for a standard evaluation of academic credentials. For instance, they may be unable to take all their documents with them when forced to flee. Obtaining official documents from the issuing institution may be impossible. Depending on the situation in a newcomer’s home country, the educational system may be unable to manage archives and respond to graduates’ requests. Finding commensurate employment or obtaining the additional education required to build meaningful careers is often impossible without proof of baseline credentials. Many new arrivals become stuck in jobs that do not fully utilize their education, skills and experience (Kohlenberg & Loo, 2020).
However, under what is known as the Lisbon Recognition Convention, Canada is obligated to offer refugees a process that will assess their qualifications, even if they lack access to official documentation (Kohlenberg & Loo, 2020).
Foreign credential recognition is the process of checking whether the education and job experience obtained in another country are equal to the standards established for Canadian professionals. It is a core element of immigrants’ labour market integration and a significant factor in determining their employment success, particularly success in their field of training or expertise.
Did you know?
Did you know that 25.8% of immigrants (aged 25 to 64 years) who hold degrees earned outside of Canada were deemed overqualified for their current positions (Statistics Canada, 2022)?
From 2016 to 2021, there was a 19.1% increase in the number of Canadians (aged 25 to 64 years) holding a bachelor’s degree or higher. Recent immigrants accounted for nearly half of this growth. However, more than one-quarter of all immigrants with degrees earned outside of Canada reported working in jobs that require, at most, a high school diploma. This rate is twice that of Canadian-born or Canadian-educated degree holders (Statistics Canada, 2022).
This is a point of concern in a country where many immigrants are granted residency and entry into Canada precisely because of their education and professional experience. In upcoming research, LMIC will examine the gaps in the foreign credential recognition process and assess where opportunities exist to act.
For newcomers seeking accreditation, the two major multi-sectoral programs the federal government offers are the Foreign Credential Recognition Program and the Foreign Credential Referral Office.
One major Canadian initiative to identify and implement such foreign credential recognition practices comes from World Education Services (WES), a leading credential evaluation organization that operates in Canada and the United States. The WES Gateway Program provides credential assessments to individuals who have been displaced by political unrest, conflict or natural disasters and lack access to verifiable documents (Kohlenberg & Loo, 2020).
The Comparative Education Service is another credential assessment service offered through the University of Toronto’s School of Continuing Studies.
Both programs offer credential assessments for immigration purposes, as well as for employment, professional licensing, and education admission purposes (Kohlenberg & Loo, 2020; University of Toronto, 2024). While these organizations are accessible online through general searches and the IRCC website, detailed information about how they operate is not readily available to for many.
Refugees are uncertain about how to have their education or professional credentials assessed in Canada
Researchers have found that refugees with professional qualifications from their countries of origin are unsure about the process of having their educational history and credentials assessed in Canada.
Respondents in many studies have indicated they had never been advised as to whether credential assessment was necessary for finding employment (Grant & Nadin (2007 ; Banerjee, et al, (2021).
Accordingly, many relied on information received from friends—who typically gave them the impression that they needed to start their education over from scratch (Bajwa et al., 2017). In another study, a policy-maker noted that the lack of credential equivalencies creates a large pool of easily exploitable labour, likening the exploitation of immigrants and refugees to slave labour (Simich et al., 2005).
Although IRCC’s pre-arrival services claim to provide refugees with access to credential assessments, research shows that several Canadian organizations do not accept many professional qualifications obtained outside of Canada (Girard & Bauder, 2007). Whereas some literature highlights Canada’s efforts to improve credential assessments (Kohlenberg & Loo, 2020), much of the existing scholarship recognizes ongoing challenges that refugees face when trying to learn about this form of certification.
Canada’s complex and obscure foreign credential recognition system is a barrier to employment for refugees
In line with existing knowledge, participants in this study not only discovered that their foreign credentials were not acknowledged upon arriving in Canada, but also faced considerable difficulty in figuring out where to obtain information about the credential recognition process.
The process of credential recognition is complex, involving many players working in collaboration.
In Canada, the constitutional division assigns responsibility for licensing trades and professions to the provinces and territories, with the professions being self-regulating. However, Quebec has exclusive authority over credential and skills recognition for new immigrants settling within its borders.
Within the provincial and territorial frameworks, more than 440 regulatory bodies oversee about 55 professions.
Additionally, more than 200 accredited post-secondary institutions assess educational credentials for academic placement.
Lastly, there are another five provincially mandated assessment agencies that evaluate educational credentials for academic placement and workforce entry. The assessments conducted by these agencies can be used to enter a trade or employment in non-regulated occupations.
Effective credential recognition processes enable internationally trained professionals to work in their fields while ensuring that Canada receives safe, high-quality services. However, the participants in this study indicated that Canada’s foreign credentialling system was a barrier to employment for them and that they found the process of having their credentials recognized “hard to understand” and like “navigating through a maze.”
Ashwa, the women’s rights activist, said:
Likewise, Abdul-Hafez, one of 350 Afghan refugees who landed in Saskatoon in 2022, said:
Saba, a woman in her 50s who was an educator at an all-girls school in Afghanistan, has experienced the challenges often encountered by internationally trained professionals in Canada:
Fair recognition of education and job experience acquired in another country is crucial for several reasons:
- Frustration often arises among newcomers to Canada who find themselves underemployed (working in positions significantly below their expectations due to the inability to utilize their prior learning and experience fully). This situation affects individuals, who may end up paying tuition for courses that duplicate those they’ve already completed. It also has broader implications for taxpayers and governments.
- Failure to recognize foreign credentials is a competitive disadvantage for Canada in its efforts to attract new talent from around the world. Difficulties with accreditation decrease Canada’s attractiveness as a destination for highly skilled and educated workers. This, in turn, may affect the country’s ability to harness the full potential of a diverse and mobile labour force. The cost of failing to tap into this potential is estimated to range from $2.4 to $5.9 billion.
In 2016, only 5% of new immigrants seeking credential recognition were gainfully employed, in the field they were trained to work in highlighting the magnitude of the issue.
A report by the Conference Board of Canada (2016) emphasizes the significant economic benefits Canada could realize, estimating a potential gain of $13.4 to $17 billion, through better-employed human capital resulting from enhanced learning recognition. The report underscores the importance of recognizing learning achievements to decrease both unemployment and underemployment rates.
Fast, fair, effective and accessible credential recognition is essential to harness newcomers’ skills, promote economic growth, and maintain Canada’s standing as an attractive destination for highly skilled professionals.
Saba recommends seeking direct feedback on credential recognition.
“I know it’s complicated because it is important that both Canada and the professions make sure they have access to the most qualified and talented people, but if you can, create ways for newcomers to share their thoughts and experiences about the process of getting their credentials recognized. This kind of feedback can help you find out what’s working well and what needs improvement. By listening to what newcomers have to say, we can make changes to existing programs and services in a way that is fair for everyone.”
Language training: Refugees face significant barriers to participating in official language training programs, many of which are too basic
The ability to speak English or French is central to integration into the Canadian job market.
Language training is widely acknowledged as an integral component for easing this transition and thereby reducing poverty (Kaida, 2013; Auer, 2018; Ortlieb & Knappert, 2023). Language fluency helps individuals make social and professional contacts, and a high level of proficiency in English has been found to significantly increase access to employment opportunities for newcomers to Canada (Beiser & Hou, 2001; Nakhaie, 2018).
However, many refugees face barriers to accessing and successfully completing language training programs.
The Canadian government offers funded language training programs (with support for learning English or French): Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) provides immigrants with basic language skills in the first few years after entry, while Enhanced Language Training (ELT) provides job-specific, advanced-level English or French training to adult newcomers (Li & Sah, 2019). The ELT program is a 14-week learning experience for newcomers followed by a 6-week work placement.
Information about language instruction is often accessed through settlement service programs across Canada (Fang et al, 2018).
The Toronto District School Board’s annual report for its 2021 to 2022 ELT program boasts 39,314 visits and service users, a 94% recommendation rate, and 755 employer connections (Toronto District School Board Community Services, 2022).
Long wait times and a lack of childcare are among common barriers to language training for refugees
However, ELT has been criticized for “focusing on reducing immigrants’ accents, anglicizing their names and conforming to the image of the ideal Canadian employee in order to increase their [participant] employability without questioning employment discrimination and gender inequality that these immigrants might face” (Li & Sah, 2019, p. 328).
Other scholars have noted that interactions with officials can also influence the extent to which refugees find opportunities to improve their language skills (Ortlieb & Knappert, 2023). Hou et al. (2023) discuss the discursive and cognitive components of refugee narratives that operate among those who interact most frequently with refugees. They note that how state actors perceive refugees as people in need of protection can impact how such officials counsel them and offer or suggest opportunities to learn to speak the local language(s).
This perspective supports the need for further theoretical research into how frames and refugee framing intersect with refugees’ integration into the labour market (Beiser, 2006).
Refugees face additional challenges with language instruction because they must endure long wait times due to funding cuts, teacher shortages and other resource issues. According to one study, the waiting time for newcomers to get into language programs can range from four months to two years (Li & Sah, 2019).
Yet, Hou & Beiser, (2006) has demonstrated that major gains in language acquisition occur in the early years of resettlement. Time plays a significant role in how well refugees learn a language and, consequently, how well they can apply those skills to enter the labour force.
Obstacles to language acquisition for refugees also involve gendered and age-based factors. Refugee women, in particular, are the least likely to be proficient in either English or French upon arrival (Beiser & Hou, 2006). In addition, women often act as primary caregivers, which can limit their ability to attend English as a Second Language classes. While accommodations have been provided to allow remote learning, a lack of childcare continues to affect progress as newcomers work to achieve the level of language skill needed to enter the labour market (Fang et al., 2018).
For many refugees, difficult lived experiences often make learning the receiving country’s language in advance of their move impractical (Ortlieb & Knappert, 2023).
Additionally, some English as a Second Language programs have been found to emphasize attendance over comprehension, which makes learning a language especially challenging (Fang et al., 2018). Researchers have suggested that “movement through the program should be focused on progress rather than attendance to ensure that everyone can finish the program with a solid understanding of the English language at their own pace” (Fang et al., 2018, p. 3).
Boyd and Cao (2009) argue that many “language skills-oriented programs” have failed to address immigrants’ need to learn target languages and, as a result, have not delivered on their mandate to provide a support that newcomers need to successfully transition into the labour force.
In Canada, there is a documented need for more high-quality language training facilities that are designed to meet refugees’ requirements and adapt to their abilities to support their search for employment (Ortlieb & Knappert, 2023).
Further, as Kaida (2013) notes, ample qualitative research delves into the lived experiences of newcomers to Canada and their participation in language classes. However, there are limited quantitative representative data on language training outcomes in Canada. This also needs to be addressed.
The Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada program is inaccessible to those with inflexible schedules and is often too basic for those who already speak some English
Almost all the individuals who participated in this study started Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) classes upon arriving in Canada.
LINC is an immigrant settlement service provided through the National Settlement Program. It is funded by IRCC, and tuition is free for eligible participants.
We had the opportunity to hear from an Ontario-based LINC instructor who approached us after learning about the research project from one of her students. In her words:
While all participants indicated that information regarding LINC availability and eligibility was readily available, many felt the program did not meet their informational or educational needs.
Wahida, a 25-year-old mother with three young children who works full time at a Calgary-area big box store, said:
Hasan, a 39-year-old who enrolled in LINC classes on the advice of his settlement worker after arriving in Toronto, noted:
Likewise, Basheer, a former employee at Afghanistan’s Ministry of Interior Affairs, said:
Zaman, a man in his mid-30s who worked as a Persian-language writer, aimed to enhance his language skills despite having a basic proficiency in English. Zaman found the offerings of the LINC program disappointing. For example, he was frustrated that the majority of the sessions were conducted remotely. He also commented on the limited audience for which the program would be helpful:
Many participants in this study shared a common sentiment: LINC classes were not offered at the right level for those who already had some English language training, and the course content left much to be desired.
Again, it is important to note that the Afghan refugee cohort in our study consisted primarily of highly educated individuals. Their experiences with language training programs may not reflect the experiences of all newcomers.
Isaad recommends alternatives to
“one-size-fits-all” language curriculum for newcomers.
“I would suggest a pilot program where content is tailored to reflect the educational backgrounds and expectations of highly educated individuals, providing more advanced language training where needed”.
Conclusion
Upon their arrival in Canada, refugees face barriers to (Oudshoorn et al., 2020; Rose, 2019; Rose & Charette, 2020):
- finding decent work
- obtaining a fair and livable income
- developing strong language skills
- gaining recognition for their degrees
- receiving adequate family support
- maintaining good mental health
- living in suitable housing
The challenges that refugees face are amplified by the inaccessibility of timely and relevant information, which negatively affects their labour market integration.
Access to LMI—whether through settlement services, social and professional networks, language instruction, and/or education credential assessments—is essential for refugees, yet refugees often find that these are not provided or difficult to access.
The lack of accessible information prevents refugees from successfully adapting to their new environment. This outcome emphasizes the crucial role of information support during the initial phases of integration.
The Afghan refugees we spoke to consistently emphasized LMI as a primary informational need upon arrival.
Despite generally positive experiences with certain aspects of their arrival and introduction to Canada, such as the temporary or bridging accommodations that were provided, participants uniformly expressed disappointment with the lack of comprehensive LMI provided. Depending on the context, it was either absent or inadequate during their initial settlement.
Settlement services played an essential role during participants’ stays in bridging hotels, offering a variety of informational sessions. However, participants pointed to limitations in the depth and specificity of the LMI provided.
Support that was available through websites and workshops must be more dynamic to cater to the unique needs of many refugees.
The Afghan refugees we spoke with acknowledged the overall support they received, but a unanimous sentiment emerged concerning the inadequacy of the LMI provided to them. Settlement services, which serve to aid newcomers’ integration into the labour market, were critiqued for offering overly basic assistance.
This sentiment was particularly prominent among highly skilled or educated individuals, such as Morsal, a distinguished lawyer, or Shehzad, a schoolteacher, who felt their qualifications were overlooked.
Participants sought more tailored guidance on job opportunities, skill alignment, language proficiency and education programs, revealing a gap between the information provided and the information needed to meet the specific requirements of this cohort.
Individual testimonies highlighted participants’ frustrations. For example, Kashm (a journalist) sought guidance on presenting international qualifications, but received suggestions for unrelated jobs. Meanwhile, Isaad emphasized the underutilization of his skills as a translator with a master's degree working at Walmart. His experience was echoed by others, including Samira, a nurse who similarly found that the available employment support services didn't align with her needs.
Interpersonal connections, informal knowledge and networks play a vital role in shaping refugees’ understanding of available resources and opportunities.
The participants in this study highlighted the importance of having informal networks and personal interactions to meet need for information about employment opportunities and settlement in Canada.
They consistently underscored the significance of word-of-mouth information, often obtained through friends, family members, and fellow Afghans they encountered in Canada.
Our findings aligned with the research, revealing a critical information gap that highlights the need for more targeted initiatives to bridge the divide between refugees’ qualifications and available opportunities in Canada.
Foreign credential recognition emerged as a significant challenge for participants, reflecting broader issues faced by refugees attempting to enter the Canadian labour market.
The participants expressed frustration with the complexity of the credential recognition process, likening it to navigating a maze.
Several participants, including Ashwa, Abdul-Hafez and Saba, shared their struggles in understanding the necessity of an educational credential assessment and the challenges of identifying legitimate organizations among numerous online options.
Afghan refugees underscored the difficulties newcomers encounter in having their foreign credentials assessed and how this affects their ability to secure meaningful employment.
Canada’s credential recognition process is complex, involving various players, such as regulatory bodies, assessment agencies and educational institutions at the provincial and territorial levels.
Despite Canada’s efforts, participants in this study expressed that there was a lack of clear, accessible information about the process. The failure to recognize foreign credentials was also understood as a barrier to employment, leading to frustration and lower employment among newcomers.
There is a clear need for more nuanced and flexible language training facilities that cater to the diverse language proficiency levels of refugees and immigrants in Canada.
Language proficiency is central to newcomers’ ability to integrate into the Canadian job market. The participants acknowledged the importance of language skills in making social and professional contacts, with greater fluency correlating with increased access to employment opportunities.
However, the study participants, most of whom were highly educated, shared the view that existing language training programs did not align with either their expectations or their prior experience with (and level of) English.
This study delves into the unique experiences of a specific group of refugees. It is essential to acknowledge the potential limitations in generalizability to all refugee populations.
However, our findings underscore a theme that resonates across immigrant communities surveyed by a growing body of literature: significant gaps in LMI for newcomers persist. Overall, our research finds that immigrants to Canada frequently find themselves without access to the labour market information services they need to integrate into and thrive in their new homeland.
Acknowledgements
This report was prepared by Dr. Suzanne Spiteri, research lead at LMIC.
Thank you to Kyla Simms and Wazhma Azizi for their significant contributions, guidance and insights.
For more information about this report, please contact research@lmic-cimt.ca.
How to cite this report
Spiteri, S. (2024). Refugee success in Canada’s labour market: Labour market information needs and gaps. Ottawa: Labour Market Information Council (LMIC).
Endnotes
1 Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (2001) defines refugees as individuals with “a well-founded fear of persecution based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group, as well as those at risk of torture or cruel and unusual treatment or punishment.” Definitions of refugees/asylum seekers differ across disciplines and practical contexts, including legal frameworks, statistical analyses, and determinations of eligibility for social benefits (Ortlieb & Knappert, 2023). Dustmann et al. (2017) highlight the involuntary and spontaneous nature of refugee migration, which arises from circumstances such as violence, conflict or natural disasters. In contrast, the relocation decisions of economic migrants are primarily driven by anticipated economic advantages, which influence their choice of destination country. Some scholars challenge the strict differentiation between refugees and economic migrants completely and assert that these categories are not fixed, but rather are fluid, arguing that the political, economic and social factors prompting individuals to leave their home country are intricately interconnected and intertwined.
2 Canada offers three distinct channels for refugee admissions: the Government Assisted Refugee (GAR) program, a private sponsorship stream, and the Blended Visa-Office Referred (BVOR) program. In the GAR program, UNHCR refers refugees to Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, where they undergo processing and interviews conducted by case officers. If approved, GARs receive comprehensive resettlement support and services from the government for up to one year upon arrival. On the other hand, privately sponsored refugees are identified and supported by family members or civil society groups within Canada. These sponsors take on the responsibility of providing for the resettled refugees after they arrive in the country. Finally, the BVOR program combines elements of both government assistance and private sponsorship. Refugees under the BVOR program are referred by the UNHCR and receive financial support from the Canadian government for a specific period, while their resettlement is facilitated by private sponsors.
3 Although economic self-sufficiency may represent a narrow interpretation of successful resettlement, the current reality is that some researchers and policy-makers focus only on whether refugees are engaged in paid work (Brell et al., 2020). Others argue that it is also important to consider the quality of refugees’ jobs and their experiences in the workplace (Gericke et al., 2018; Szkudlarek et al., 2021; Hess et al., 2019; Fedrigo et al., 2023).
4 While relevant literature uses terms such as “economic and civic integration,” LMIC advocates for moving away from an integration lens that infers assimilation and conformity to “dominant” Canadian culture. We believe it disregards the value of maintaining one’s cultural identity and diversity and perpetuates inequality and marginalization by placing the burden of adaptation solely on immigrants while disregarding the structural barriers and systemic discrimination that hinder their full participation in society.
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